In this entry I will discuss Viral, the short experimental video I am making about Romanian migrants returning home from, mainly, Italy during the COVID-19 pandemic.
In March 2020, after the first nation wide movement restrictions imposed by Italy as an attempt to stop the spread of the coronavirus epidemic, many of its Romanian migrant workers decide to go back home to Romania. There are 1 million Romanians in Italy and they are the largest migrant group in the country. Although Romanian migrants from Italy were the first, as restrictions measures were being taken by other European countries migrants drove or flew back home from everywhere on the continent. The number of Romanians who work and live abroad was estimated in a recent OECD (2019) report at around 3.5 millions in 2016. Out of these, according to Romanian customs statistics, around 250.000 returned from abroad in March 2020[1].
During those first weeks of March, the Romanian government reacted to the growing influx of returnees with some belated measures that cancelled flights to and from Italy and imposed a 14 days quarantine period for those returning home. From the terrestrial borders they were escorted into quarantine. Several of those returning to Romania used their smartphones to live stream on Facebook from the border, while being escorted into quarantine and from the quarantine location. They complained that there are families with kids and elders and are kept at the border or are being escorted for more than 12 hours without the possibility of getting food or water or even going to the restroom. In the quarantine locations they complained about the same lack of food or water, but also unsanitary premises. These people transformed into citizen camera-witnesses, a term used by Andén-Papadopoulos (2014, 754) to describe ‘camera-wielding political activists and dissidents who put their lives at risk to produce incontrovertible public testimony to unjust and disastrous developments around the world, in a critical bid to mobilize global solidarity through the affective power of the visual.’
As soon as news these videos became viral online and got picked up by TV news stations, Romanians from abroad and at home started to share their opinions by posting or live streaming online video messages. Many of them insulted those who travelled back home, accusing them of bringing the disease into Romania and of not being the real Romanian diaspora but marginals: ‘whores, pimps, beggars, thieves, gypsies’ etc.
By mid March 2020, Hungary shut its borders for foreigners as a measure to contain the spread of the virus and many of the Romanian migrants returning home from Italy, but also from Germany or France, were blocked at the border crossing between Austria and Hungary. Several of those stuck there transformed themselves in citizen camera witnesses and started live streaming on Facebook, urging their viewers to share the video so that it can reach the Romanian authorities, but mainly the president Klaus Iohannis who they said they voted. The video messages of those that stayed and those at home reacting to the live streams from the border became also more virulent.
Resentment about the centrality of the diaspora in the past three electoral cycles was surfacing in these messages. In the past decade the diaspora was placed between the two political camps in Romanian party politics. On one side, the Social Democrats and, on the other side, the Liberals (I include here not only the Party of National Liberals, but also the Party of Democratic Liberals – although not always on the same page on punctual matters, their overall ideological agenda was the same).
Juxtaposing the citizen camera-witness footage I collected online from Facebook and Youtube, the video explores how the pandemic engendered a political field of contention with different voices drawing from an already established repertoire of tropes surrounding the identity of these migrant workers as diasporic community and adding to this repertoire the new image of the diaspora as a medium of virus transmission.
The diaspora’s political agency
The Social Democrats are the heirs of the pre-1990 Communist Party of Romania and the burden of this legacy has defined its public identity. On top of this, the party’s promises of increasing social welfare benefits has been the main strategy of securing the votes of the disadvantaged population, the majority of Romania’s population, and was criticised by the Liberals for generating budget deficits and debt to cover them. Moreover, widespread corruption amongst its high ranks has contributed to the negative image of the party and the intensification of the anti-corruption prosecutions in the past decade has decimated its top echelon and replaced it with low rank figures that have been not only unable to fight back their Liberal opponents but further weakened the party through poor public performances and unpopular policies. The Liberals’ discourse framed the Social Democrats and their politics using the term ‘red pest’ and the Liberals placed themselves in an almost messianic role of getting the country rid of the disease.
The Liberals instead have struggled since the 1990s to create an electoral base. After successfully relying for support in the mid 2000s on a credit backed middle class, the global financial crisis and the consequent austerity measures taken by the Liberal government shrank the ranks of the middle class. Cases of corruption also amongst its high ranks, like those of the infamous president Traian Basescu (2004-2012) and of his close circle, led to a drop in the popularity of the Liberals. In this context PSD’s more welfarist governing program took over the helm of the country in 2013. Together with the articulation of the ‘red pest’ discourse, another strategy of the Liberals’ in the struggle to reconstruct an electoral base was based on empowering the diasporic community, which grew in number after the EU accession of Romania in 2007.
The diasporic community made its appearance on the political stage for the first time during the 2009 presidential elections, when, according to many political analysts, their votes were crucial in deciding between the Liberals’ Traian Basescu and the Social Democrats’ Mircea Geoana (Burean 2011, Gheorghita 2011). At the next presidential elections in 2014, where the Liberals’ Klaus Iohannis competed with the Social Democrat’s Victor Ponta, the diaspora became even more important (Gherasim-Proca 2014). Using their camera-phones and social media to record and make visible the long queues, the protests over not being able to vote at the polling stations abroad and the interventions with tear gas of the authorities in Paris and Turin, they became active citizen camera-witnesses and entered the radar of public debates.
The political agency of the diaspora pushed politicians to position themselves in regards to the themes that placed Romanian emigrants on the European and national public agenda since 2007 (Beciu et al 2018). One important theme was that regarding Romania’s cultural image that the diaspora promotes abroad. Distinctions emerged between the good law-abiding immigrant that promotes a positive image of Romania and the bad crime-involved immigrant that is detrimental to the country. To legitimise the diaspora’s political agency, the Liberals were mostly framing the Romanian migrants in terms of the good immigrant, while the Social Democrats tended to resort to the bad immigrant image to define the diaspora and delegitimise its votes.
Another important theme was related to the economic role of the diaspora. Between 2007-2017 the diaspora’s remittences represented on average 2,5% of the GDP. In the aftermath of the global financial crisis the Liberals used the remittences data to further legitimise the diaspora’s political agency as their money were framed as a major support to the Romanian economy in difficult times, while the Social Democrats contested the usefulness of these remittences.
These debates and the diverging positions of the political parties and the media in regards to the diaspora helped construct not only a split within the diaspora, the good migrants vs the bad migrants, but also a split between ‘them’, Romanians abroad, and ‘us’, Romanians at home. The former were ridiculed and mocked when returning home speaking Romanian with Italian accents and mixing words from the two languages. The acquisition of new expensive cars and the construction of large vilas at home, markers of their financial success, were derided as empty signifiers, deployed by the diaspora to distinguish themselves although in actuality only veiling the same miserable living conditions they face abroad as those who remained at home.
The important role of the diaspora in electoral politics was again confirmed during the 2019 presidential elections when the votes of the Romanian abroad secured the victory of the incumbent Klaus Iohannis against the Social Democrats’ Viorica Dancila.
At the border
One of the main themes of the videos made by the citizens camera-witnesses in 2014 during the elections was the long queues at the polling stations. The queue has a cultural significance in Romania as the last decade of socialism is remembered as a time of shortages and austerity and long queues for rationed staple food (Campeanu 1994). It is a powerful popular symbol representing the the state’s opression or disregard of its constituent population. The videos from the returnees blocked at the Austrian-Hungarian border picked up the theme of the queue. Many of the videos are showing the long lines of the cars with the footage producers walking amongst the queuing cars and stating their estimates of the length of the queue.
How can this appropriation of the queue be interpreted? It could be seen as an unconscious adoption of an already established aesthetic and argumentative genre of the citizen camera-witness. But it could be seen also as a conscious adoption of the genre and its usage as a formula for getting viral online and producing political effects. This time, however, some things changed since 2014. Those recording the footage do not criticise the authorities for failing to take care of the diaspora, but summon their help and especially the help of the president they voted, Klaus Iohannis, reminding him of the effort they put in voting him into office. They ask Iohannis to stand up to its electoral promises of representing Romanians at home and abroad.
The recurrent themes regarding the political, economic and cultural aspects in the public debates about the diaspora since 2007 were also picked up in the video messages of the Romanians at home who were condemning those stuck at the border for voting Klaus Iohannis and told them to remain abroad. They told those at the border ironically that only by staying there they can make the money they claim they make and with which they allegedly keep Romania’s economy alive. The Romanians abroad who decided not to travel back also distanced themselves from those who returned home. They claimed that those who stay abroad are the real diaspora, the good immigrant, because their family, their life is there, they integrated and they have no reason to go back. Those who leave are the bad immigrant, the ‘whores, pimps, beggars, thieves, gypsies, scum’.
Viral
In my video I appropriate footage I collected online from Facebook and Youtube. As I mention in my previous entry, in the digital age the filmmaker is not anymore the sole producer of footage. In fact, the availability of camera-phones has led to a proliferation of ‘amateur footage’ and many filmmakers have used this type of material for its self-representational value. Treating the footage as self-representational, the filmmaker becomes a critical viewer rather than a maker, and, instead of holding a camera, s/he curates and facilitates access to already existing footage.
I appropriate this footage that deals with the return of migrants from Italy back into Romania as cultural artefacts. By this I mean that the footage embodies the cultural dispositions of those that produced it and are to a certain extent representative of a shared collective experience. The footage-artefacts index social relations and interactions that define particular world-views, that is frames of sense making that make intelligible performative speech acts. Moreover, these artefacts themselves have agency, since their viral circulation online creates affects and leads to a proliferation of artefacts that are linked to each other in a network constitutive of the political field of contention regarding what the diaspora is and does.
My inspiration for the video came from Natalie Bookchin’s video artwork Testament (2009). In this work she uses online vlogs that she groups according to different topics. Initially conceived as a multi-channel installation, she edited the different footage into one single video that shows the shared experience of losing a job, being on anti-depression medication and trying to come out. The edit creates a polyphonic narrative by overlapping the different footage so as to complement each other and give the sense of a single homogenous narrative. Although not explicitly mentioned, since most of the testimonials are in US English and all the vloggers seem to actually be US citizens, this shared experience is grounded into the US culture and thus speaks about the topics addressed in the videos not from an universal vantage point, but from their local articulation in the US.
Unlike Bookchin I use her visual grammar to portray not a single narrative, but multiple, opposing narratives of shared experience – the articulation network constituting the field of contention over the identity of Romanian emigrants. It is the conflicting nature of the multiple voices I bring together that I believe ends up defining the collective shared experience of the Romanian diaspora going back home.
Is this the end?
After two days of blockage at the border between Austria and Hungary, the Romanian Minister of Foreign Affairs managed to negotiate with the Hungarian authorities the creation of a ‘humanitarian corridor’ that would allow Romanians to transit the country. However, the Romanian president urged the diaspora not to come home.
The arrival of 250.000 Romanian citizens into the country in the first two weeks of March already posed serious logistic problems in enforcing the quarantine and self-isolation measures imposed by governmental decrees according to international standard procedures. When paired with statistics on the number of quarantined and self-isolating people, it emerges that more than half of those that arrived in the country are not accounted by the authorities in charge with the management and enforcement of the measures taken[2]. Moreover, a recent report from the National Institute of Public Health confirms that the virus was imported from ‘Italy’ and other Western European countries.
As the number of cases continue to rise in Romania, people continue to return home from abroad, the national medical system shows signs of being on the bring of collapse, and the economy of most of the receiving countries and at home are in crisis, it remains to be seen how the diaspora will come out of the coronavirus story once it will all be over.
Notes
[1] However, numbers are not clear. Other sources talk of at least 1 million returnees (see https://romania.europalibera.org/a/%C3%AEntre-200-500-%C8%99i-950-500-de-persoane-intrate-%C3%AEn-rom%C3%A2nia-au-sc%C4%83pat-de-carantin%C4%83-%C8%99i-izolare-testa%C8%9Bi-%C3%AEntre-0-82—3-29-/30499768.html). Others of 800.000 Romanian emigrants returning in the first weeks of March (see https://www.economica.net/sociopol-800-000de-romani-s-au-intors-in-ara-in-doua-saptamani-doar-400-000-recunosc-ca-au-facut-o-de-frica-coronavirus_181635.html).
References
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Gheorghita, Andrei. 2011. “Vote Transfers, Thwarted Voters and Newcomers in the 2009 Presidential Runoff in Romania”. SOCIAL CHANGE REVIEW 9 (2).
OECD. 2019. Talent Abroad: A Review of Romanian Emigrants. Paris: OECD Publishing.
Ovidiu Gherasim-Proca. 2015. “Alegerile prezidențiale din România (2-16 noiembrie 2014). Hipermobilizare și eșec administrativ”. Analele Ştiinţifice ale Universităţii ‘Alexandru Ioan Cuza’ din Iaşi. Ştiinţe politice 10:103 – 117.


